Anonymous wrote:
Anonymous wrote:
Anonymous wrote:First of all there isn’t a history of using at large districts to deny representation. Second, the current system has both at large and districts— no idea what you mean by “so much of the council’s power” except trolling.
How can you say there isn't a history of using at-large seats to deny representation? It certainly limits the ability of some groups to get representation on the board.
And by power, I mean it heavily skews the board in favor of the majority, far beyond what is proportional in the electorate. Nearly half of the board is at-large seats- they only need one district councilmember to go along with them.
As a factual matter there is not a history of using the at large seats to deny representation to racial or minority groups. I have no idea why you think there is or if it’s even true that it’s harder for some groups to get representation. If, say, dumb people all wanted to vote for the same candidate it would probably be easier for that candidate to get elected at large than from a single district unless all the dumb people live in a single district.
Likewise it just makes no sense to say that splitting the council between at large and districts skews the board beyond what is proportional.
Of course it does.
Consider an overly-simplified scenario (with made up numbers) assuming two voting blocks within MoCo: an urban voting block composed of 60% of the population, and a suburban voting block of 40%.
Under a proportionally-distributed model with 9 districts, you'd expect 5 urban councilmembers, and 4 suburban councilmembers.
Under council's existing model of 5 districts and 4 at-large seats, you'd expect all at-large seats to be filled by urban councilmembers. And you'd expect 3 of the districts to vote urban, and 2 to vote suburban.
So it's the difference between a 5-4 makeup under proportional representation, and a 7-2 makeup when you make 4 of the seats at-large. Wildly disproportionate.