
The problem is that this really isn’t a good test case for the concept. If SCOTUS were to adopt the Coalition’s arguments on these facts, that precedent could be used to strike down all kinds of efforts to dismantle current affirmative action-style policies and practices. If the effect of a change in policy were to reduce the participation of black and Hispanic people in a government program or employment, and there is any evidence to be found that any of the decisions makers at any time considered the racial impact of making a chance, the new policy would be subject to strict scrutiny and thus would almost certainly be struck down. That’s not what FedSoc wants as precedent. |
We want the county to disregard benefits provided by public schools not available at all public schools for competitive admissions purposes |
It's ultimately a stupid argument that would result in an endless cycle of successful litigation against the county. If TJ reverts to a system that pleases the coalition for TJ, under that precedent, black and hispanic students could sue. If they win and the county reverts to a system that bumps black and hispanic numbers, Asian students could sue.... it would be never ending. |
Yes |
It absolutely has. And it would have to, because you are no longer engaging in an admissions process that incentivizes a very narrow path into TJ, and therefore, a very streamlined set of admittees. Too much homogeneity in the student body - not with respect to race, but with respect to ambition - of necessity creates a toxic culture or hypercompetition. |
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There's a line to be drawn between "considered" and "motivated by." We all know the goal of the TJ admissions changes was to increase the percentage of Black and Hispanic kids and to reduce the percentage of Asian kids. They "modeled" various "race-blind" alternatives to get the result they wanted, and then claimed the new policy was totally indifferent as to student race. And because certain judges agreed with that goal, they found a way to ignore the facts and pretend the new policy was indeed race-neutral. The next set of judges may disagree with either the goal or the manner in which FCPS went about furthering it. And then, regardless of the legal analysis, there's a Governor that disagrees with FCPS's approach and has significant influence over the future of any Governor's Schools in the state. |
FWIW, there were multiple goals in changing the admissions. Only one goal was to increase URMs (which did not result in a decrease of ORMs because they also increased the class size). |
I think you want to disassociate parental and familial influence from a student's performance. As indicated, many of these school opportunities are parental and community based, as are prep courses, and enrichment. |
But they aren’t offered at every middle school. That’s not kids’ faults. Admissions needs to take that into account. |
Correct, many kids aren’t hardworking or talented on their own and are being propped up by prep courses & parental money. Glad you’ve stated that so clearly. |
1) The italicized sentence is incorrect. You have evidence to suggest that a goal was to increase the percentage of Black and Hispanic kids. You do NOT have evidence that the goal was to reduce the percentage of Asian kids. As I've stated here constantly, if the net effect of the admissions changes had been 70% Asian, 10% White, 10% Black, and 10% Hispanic, the School Board would have had a celebration. They did not care AT ALL about the percentage of Asian students - they cared about Black, Hispanic, and under-resourced kids having a legitimate shot at TJ. So no, we do not "all know" a thing that isn't true and has no basis in reality. 2) The policies that they modeled came from the Superintendent and were REJECTED by the School Board. They didn't "claim" the new policy that they actually ratified was indifferent to race; it was by definition indifferent to race. The reason that the numbers changed as much as they did was that the old policy was not indifferent to race because it used metrics that have been proven time and again to have negative disparate impacts on Black, Hispanic, and under-resourced kids. 3) Again, the Governor has had 18 months to do something about TJ and has done squat. Feel free to point out one thing that the Governor has done to impact TJ now that almost 40% of his term has passed, after which he is not eligible for re-election. |
Well they have. Every school gets 1.5% and URMs also get preference. This is nothing new though and just an extension of other existing programs. |
DP. It's not about dissociating (that's the proper word, btw) parental and familial influence from a student's performance. It's about dissociating parental and familial influence from admissions outcomes for a taxpayer-funded elite educational opportunity, especially when that influence is informed by disparate resources. Are you going to sit here and tell me that the 51 poor Asian kids who got into TJ have parents and families that don't care about academics and education? Because those kids were effectively shut out of TJ before these admissions changes. |
The non-stop effort to build a better mousetrap is exhausting. Get rid of TJ, which only serves about 4% of FCPS high school students, and focus on all the kids. The TJ AAG and related groups fetishize TJ and ignore the vast majority of students and schools. |